Overview of Marine Oriented Commercial Record

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Ship account books represent just one type of commercial record created by and used by mariners.

Marine Lives volunteers may find it useful to review this Overview of Marine Oriented Commercial Record Keeping.

References to original documents are of two types. References are either foliated or unfoliated. If unfoliated, the relevant depsotion book is shown (HCA 13/ followed by the volume number) nd an image number is appended. The image number refers to the digital image made by Marine Lives volunteers.






Overview


A case before the High Court of Admiralty in 1666 concerning a Flandrian ship, seized by English privateers, illustrates the range of papers on a specific ship.

The ship was the Godliffe, carrying wine from Nantes back to Bruges, when it was seized at the Isle of Wight. It had already been cleared by an English man of war. The master and company were carried to Chichester, where they were examined, their depositions (they claimed) had been written down falsely. They were examined again in London, where they protested their depositions. Documents referred to are a sea brief, a bill of sale for the ship, and an exemplication of the translation of the bill of sale, bills of lading, letters, and other papers.

"Hee this deponent had a seabrief on board and a bill of sale of his said shipp, together with an exempliflication of the translation thereof, under the seale of this Court, all which together with the bills and other papers the said Captaine tooke from this deponent (who showed them to him for declaration of his clearance) and detained them, and afterwards when hee had brought this deponent to Chichester and there somwhile detained him, this deponent asked of him where his writings aforesaid were, the said Captaine said that hee had sent them to London, and this deponent saying, noe, hee understood that they were in the custody of the hostesse of that house were they were (being the [?XXX ?XXX] the said Captaine produced his said writings and showd them in the presense of Mr Crispe a notary there, and of Captain Wills, and then tooke them againe into his custodie, since which time this deponent hath not seen them, saving his bills of lading and some of his letters and papers hee hath lately seen in the Registrie of this Court but his seabrief, bill of sale and exemplification, together with a discharge from the Captaine of the Breda Frigot (given him having bin aboard her) hee saith are still missing, they being subducted by the said Captaine"[1]


The master of a ship was the key man in terms of the official identity of a ship. A curious case concerning a ship named the Mary Ann illustrates this.

Devon mariner Richard Bayly deposed in 1639 concerning the ship and his responsibilities upon her. He clearly believed he had been hired as her master by a man named William Bushell, who appars to have been a part-owner of the ship. Baylie’s name was the name on the name entered into the London Custom house outwards bound, and it ws his name which appeared on the cocket issued by the London Custom house. Similarly, it required Bayly going ahsore at Gravesend to ensure that the ship ws cleared by the searcher to depart. However, at the Downs, Brown Bushell entered the ship and took command of her. Yet Baylie was unclear whether Brown Bushell exercised that command as Captian or Master.

"Within the tyme arlate the arlate William Bushell hiered this examinate to serve in the arlate shippe the Mary Ann the voyage arlate to goe alonge with Browne Bushell in that shippe but never tolde him whether hee should be master of her or not, but hee sayeth that entryes were made in the Custome house London before the said shippe went from hence that voyage in the name of this examinate and in the cocketts taken out of the Custome house aforesaid it was expressed that this examinate was master of that shippe, and at Gravesend outwardes bounde that voyage the searchers there woulde not cleere her untill this examinate came ashoare there and shee ws there cleered by this examinate as master of her that voyage, and hee was bound for her gunns, and this examinate was the principall man in her untill shee came into the Downes, and then the sarlate Brown Bushell came aboard her and from that tyme tooke uppon him the full comande of the said shippe, but whether it as as captaine or master of her hee knoweth not".[2]

Acquittance


Acquittances were written by the different suppliers to ships and collected by pursers or ship masters, who then entered them into their books of accompts.

For example, the ropeseller George Margets issued an acquittance for goods supplied to the ship the Merchant Adventure, in which Margets was also a part-owner.

"As may appeare by the acquittance or receipt given by the arlate George Margets of whom the same was bought and taken up for the said summe which hee doeth acknowledged he thereby to bee in full for all cordage and roaping what soever delivered out for the provisions and use of the said shipp and pinnace which said acquittance is wholley writte and subscribed by the propper hand of the said Margetts and was soe done in this deponents presense."[3]

Bill of lading


Bills of lading were most frequently signed by the master of a ship. However, if there were a purser on board, the purser might sign the bills, in coordination with the boatswain. But ultimately the master carried the can if the goods signed for were not “free” in terms of their ownership and their customer for that ship to carry. If they could be proven not to be free, they risked being made lawful prize.

In the case of the three hundred ton burthen ship the ffalcon, it was her master, Kendrick Hughes, who signed the bills of lading. He first took the numbers and marks of the goods received into the ship, as recorded in the boatswain’s book, and then signed bills of lading matching the boatswain’s book.

The chief mate of the ffalcon describes this process for us:

"And this deponent knoweth that the sayd Hughes did signe bills of ladeing for the sayd forty tonnes of wynes at Pembeefe after hee had taken the numbers and markes of them out of the boatswaines booke"[4]


A London merchant, Humphrey Smallwood, gives a detailed description of a master signing a bill of lading for goods he shipped at Barbados into a ship named the Jonathan and Abigail.

"Hee well knew the allegate Robert Page and was with him aboard the shipp the Jonathan and Abigail this last voyage about 17 dayes before the death of him the said Page which happened in his homeward voyage, and saith that hee this deponent having at the Barbadas shipped the goods in the said schedule mentioned aboard the said shipp and afterwards comming to him the said Page master of her for a bill of lading for the same, the said Page subscribed and gave him the said schedule or bill of lading, which this deponent sawe him the said Page with his owne hand subscribe aboard his said shipp in Carlisle Baye in the Barbadas on or about the 10th of June last, seeing him both supplie the date and write (The parcells received, the condition I knowe not) and then theise words p mee Robt Page with his owne hand in all things as nowe appeareth"[5]


In the case of the purser of the Hannibal on a voyage to Brazil, the boatswain received the goods on board and noted them in his accounts, and then the purser signed the bill of lading associated with those goods, and entered them in his purser’s book.

"The boatswaine of the said shipp received the goods as aforesaid aboard and first tooke accompt thereof, and by his note this deponent signed the said bills (as hee used to doe for the rest of the lading) and made entrie thereof in his owne book"[6]


The boatswain’s book or account should match that of the purser’s book, or freight book. In the case of the purser of the Good Reason, some goods were laden without bills of lading drawn up and signed, though the purser asserted the verity and accuracy of his book of freight.

"Hee this deponent was purser of the said ship the Good Reason and according to his office and place did enter into a booke the number and sorts of goods and what pipes, fatts, bales and packes were laden abord the said ship according to his accompt which he had and receaved of the boatswaine of the said ship who as the manner is) doeth usually give receipts and notes for the same, and to what port they were consigned and to whom and did accordingly signe bills of lading for the same except only for the [?foresaid] parcells of goods mentioned and expressed in a schedule annexed to this deponents deposition, for which there were noe bills of ladeing signed by this deponent but doe appeare to be laden abord the said ship by the said boatswaines accompte"[7]


"The booke [?XXX] and now shewed unto him is as hee beleeveth a true coppye of this deponents originall booke of freight for the said ship the originall whereof was faithfully kept by this deponent and everything was entred thereinto according to the verity and truth of the matter"[8]


Bills of lading documented a contractual relationship between the shipper (the master, or his agents such as purser or boatswain) and the lader of goods on his ship. By signing a bill of lading, with the goods itemised and the port of delivery specified, the master, or his agents, bound the master and ship to deliver the goods well conditioned, the perils of the sea excepted. This is made explicit in a deposition given by an English factor at Lisbon, in a cause concerning salt to be transported from near Lisbon to Galicia. Commenting on the suitability of the master to carry the salt, he notes he did not give any caution, but that the master bound himself and his ship, the Catherine, by bill of lading.

"He this rendent did passe his word that the sayd Yaxlye should performe safely at Galisia (the perills of the sea excepted) but did not give any caution in that behalfe, but the sayd Yaxly did binde himselfe and the sayd shipp the Catherine by bill of ladinge for performance thereof"[9]


Admiralty court cases frequently includes questions to determine whether witnesses recognised the subscription and hand writing of masters or pursers on bills of lading. Below, a London broker testifies that

"Hee having seene the arlate Peter de Vinck [master of the Saint James] write his name upon the entry of his goods in the Custome house and at this deponent's house verily beleeveth the subsciption to the schedule arlate being the first schedule to bee of his the said de Vincks ffirm and subscription this deponent remembring the firme and florish to bee the same with this now showed unto him, and the said de Vinck gave this deponent the same bill of ladeing or another very like it of the same subscription for this deponent to enter his wines by"[10]


Plenty of bills of lading were fraudulent, or “colourable” in the euphamism of the Court. The master of the Diamond of Topsham admitted to signing a false bill of lading for broad cloth.

"Hee signed a bill of lading for broadcloth for the said John Davies of Exeter to be delivered to a ffrenchman in Saint Malos, but it was for the accompt of him the said Davies who went alonge in the shipp and intended to take the same up and dispose thereof himselfe, but put them in a ffrenchmans name to secure them from arresting when they came there"[11]


A Dunkirk born mariner, Peter Butt, had some explaining to do. As sole owner of his ship the Waterhound, he had signed a charter party with French merchants to carry their wines from Rouen to Boulogne. His ship’s company was small, with just two men and a French boy in addition to himself.[12] At Rouen he had firmed a colourable bill of lading for the wines, which bill of lading he had on his ship when seized by an English man of war. The colourable bill, he argued, was to protect the wines from Dunkirkers. He now claimed that a different bill of lading was the real and true bill of lading, which was exhibited into the Court. He himself now lived in Middleburg in Zeeland, with his wife and family.

"This rendent did alsoe at or neere Roane aforesaid signe one colourable bill of lading for the goods in question to secure the same from the Dunkirkers, which colourable bill of lading hee saith was taken in and aboard his said shipp at the time of the seizure aforesaid and saith and affirmeth as aforesaid that the bill of lading now and in his precedent deposition showne unto him was and is the true and reall bill of lading for the said wynes"[13]


Portuguese merchants, fearing seizure by Ostenders or Dunkirkers, frequently inserted the names of free and neutral merchants, particularly those of Hamburg. Francisco Pardini, a London merchant who was a native of Florence, had lived in Lisbon for eight or nine years, and knew the usage there. He stated:

"Whereas in the bill of lading signed for the goods of the said Gregorie Diaz the name of ffrancisco Dirrickson of Hamborough was and is inserted, hee this deponent well knoweth, that both by the generall practise of Portugueze merchants it is usuall and ordinary to insert in their bills of lading the names of free and neutrall persons as those of Hamborough and others, the better to secure their goods from the Spaniards (with whom the Portuguezes are in enmity) and that in case of a meeting with Ostenders or Dunkerkers, and allso for that this deponent hath had particular and faithfull advise to that purpose from the said Gregorie Diazi"[14]


Another trick was to delay coming aboard a ship when haled and to spend the time manufacturing fraudulent bills of lading. Young English merchant, Harman Goris, protests perhaps too much when it is suggested that they were making new bills of lading when the ship was seized. He denies ever telling the seizors they had been doing this and offers a rather lame explanation as to why he had no bills of lading on board.

"Hee this deponent did not at any tyme tell the arlate Captaine Saunders that hee had not taken any bills of ladeing at all for his the sayd Goris his goods in the Hare in the ffeild, but saith that hee this deponent told the sayd Saunders only to this effect videlicet that hee the sayd Goris coming in person along with his owne goods (and having before hand sent over land to Cadiz two severall bills of ladeing signed by the arlate John Keene at Roane) intended if neede soe required to have either a noate under the sayd Keenes hand or two bills of ladeing for the two parcells of goods hee had on board her, And by virtue of his oath doth positively averre that hee did not tell the sayd Captaine Saunders that they were taken when they were makeing bills of ladeing or any words to that effect"[15]


Plenty of masters of ships swore blind in seizure cases that their bills of lading were real and not colourable. The master of a ship named the Fortune of Hamburg goes over the top with his protestations. Does he protest too much? He claims he was on a direct voyage from Hhamburg to Madeiras and that all his goods were for Hamburg merchants and for himself, a Hamburg burger and part-owner of the ship. Judge for yourself what you make of his claims regarding his bills of lading:

"The bill of lading arlate and before mentioned was signed and firmed by him this deponent at Hamburgh a few dayes before his departure with the sayd shippe from thense, and hee affirmeth upon his oath that the same was and is a true and reall bill of lading and no way colourable or fictitious, which hee knoweth to bee true for that hee is the person that firmed the same as master of the shipp in question and shaped her course for Madera in perusance of his ingagement by the sayd bill"[16]

Boatswain’s book of accounts


[ADD DATA]



Charter party


Charter parties were typically written on vellum, rather than paper. They were made between the freighters and the owners of a ship. They were signed, sealed and delivered by the parties to the charterparty.

London merchant Haniball Allen was one of the freighters of a ship named the Saint Lucar Merchant for a voyage to Cadiz, the Canaries, Lisbon and back to London. He was one of the signators to the charterparty and afixed his seal together with his subscription to the document.

"Which charterparty hee this deponent knoweth to be true and sawe the same signed sealed by the sayd Samuell Wilson the younger and the rest of the freighters whose names are subscribed thereto, and knoweth the subscription Hanniball Allen at the bottom thereof and the seale under the sayd name affixed to be his his deponents owne hand and seale"[17]


Pursers were usually familiar with the charter party binding their ship. XXX was privy to the contents and making of the charter party for his ship the XXX.

"Which hee knoweth to bee true for that hee this examinate was privy to and knew of the making of the charter partie for the sayd voyage"[18]


The purser of the Gilliflower was familiar with the charter party made between the freighters and the master of his ship, a part-owner, on behalf of all the part-owners.

"By the charter partie indented and made betweene them and the aforesaid Elias Pilgrim and others the parte owners of the sayd shippe for the sayd voyage which charter partie this examinate hath seene and reade"[19]


Masters sometimes carried colourable charter parties, or no charter parties at all. If surprised at sea, they would choose whether or not to reveal a charter party, according to what they knew or guessed of the nationality of the surprising ship and its possible commission. The master of the Unicorne of Gottenberg, for whatever reason, chose not to share his charter party at the time of his seizure, but then appears to have mysteriously found it, or obtained a replacement.

"Hee saith that hee this deponent at the said tyme of the surprizall of the said ship had the charterpartie made for the voyage upon which hee is now bound aboard with him and did not deliver the same with the rest of his papers to the sayd Captaine Lawson but tould him thereof. Which said charter partie this deponent hath now with him and doth leave the same in the Registrie of this Court for the better cleering of the truth in and concerning this business"[20]



Chief mate’s book


Deptford mariner Henry Marsen was one of the master’s mates of the ffalcon, and describes himself as chief mate. Unusually for a master’s mate, he refers in his deposition to having a book, in which he had recorded types and quantities of goods received into the ship’s hold.

"Hee saith the ffalcon aforesayd was of the burthen of about three hundred tonnes and upwards, and saith shee brought about a hundred tonne of wyne the voyage in question, beside salt and paper and other goods and saith her hold was full as conveniently it could bee. And saith (for that hee hath not his booke about him and for that it is a yeare and better since) hee cannot answere more particularly as to the quantitie and qualitie of the sayd shipps other ladeing"[21]



Cocket


Cockets were issued by officials of Custom houses at ports when goods were laden on ships to be taken from that port. On arrival at a new port, with goods to be discharged, the master of a ship would lodge his cocket with the Custom house.

In the case of Thomas Andrews, master of the Owen and David, his voyage had been broken due to the empress of his company. He returned into the River Thames and unloaded his goods, including part of his own adventure which he carried on the ship, which was in woollen manufacturies, stuffs and other goods. He could not recall the details and referred the Court to his cockets, which he said remained in the London Custom house.

“And saith hee had an adventure consisting of woolen manufactory, stuffes, and other goodes, but the perticulers and quantities now remembreth not but saith the same may be knowne by his cockets remaining in the Custome house. Some part of his adventure is yet on board and some on shore"[22]


London merchant John Blunte, deposing in Court in 1609, described the role of cockets in the port of London. In his telling, cockets were issued by the searcher of a ship, and that ships carried these cockets with them as proof that their goods had been customed.

"Hee knoweth that the use and custome hathe beene time out of minde and at this porte that all masters of shippes doe take from the searcher a cocquette of all suche goodes as they doe carrie in theire shippes, and doe carrie theire cocquettes with them for a testimonie that the goodes in the shippe are customed of this examinate's knowedge whoe hath traded as a merchante theese 25 yeares"[23]


Failure to handle the paper work correctly, or an unsuccessful attempt to dupe the searcher, had real costs in terms of seizure of the unaccustomed goods. London draper Greg Oldfeild described a particular case in which a cocket was missing and a pack of cloth without cocket seized.

"He knoweth that the said shipp the Hart comminge to Gravesend was there searched by Mr Tucke the searcher, and findinge that the said Timothy Hart had not a cocquett to shewe for the entring of the said pack with clothes into the Custome house and payeinge the customes for the same seized on the said pack of cloth for his Majesty, and tooke out the said pack of cloth out of the said shipp into his handes by the only faulte and neglecte of the said Timothy Hart who took not out the said cocquett as he ought to have done, and that the said pack of clothe remayned in the searchers hands about three monethes space before the said Robert Oldfield ever hearde it was taken out of the said shippe. And his first intelligence thereof was by letter written him by Mr Blunt from Stade or Hamborough that the said cloth was not brought thither in the said shipp. And then makinge inquiry he found the said pack with cloth was in the searchers hands at Gravesend, and with greate chardges he the said Oldfield recovered the said pack of cloth beinge greatly spoyled and damnified by the longe lyeinge there, in so much that some of the said clothes lyeth in their handes unsould"[24]



Custom house book


It would be naïve to think Custom house entries are always accurate. Here a London broker elicits a confession from Peter de Vinck master of the James, that de Vinck had disposed of three puncheons of wine in France to pay personal debts. Yet, de Vinck put those three puncheons down in his entry at the London Customs house as being still on his ship.

"The arlate de Vinck did after the arrivall of this said shipp at London enter his whole lading in the Custome house namely ffifty six puncheons and twenty half puncheons and six hogsheads of wine although hee well knew that three of the said puncheons were wanting and by him disposed of as aforesayd"


John Bredcake, master of the Endeavour of London, was keen to prove that he had made accurate and complete entry of his goods into the London Custom house on departing London for Hamburg. A clerk in the Searchers Office (part of the London Custom house) attested that Bredcake’s copy of his entry matched that in the Searchers Office. Which begs the question as to whether it was accurate in the first place.

"Uppon the sixteenth day of November last past John Bredcake master of the Endeavor of London did make entrance in his Majestyes Custome house London of all and singular the goods mentioned in the sayd schedule as the true content of all the goods wares and merchandizes laden abord the sayd shipp in her then intended voyage for Hamborowe, and did then make oath before Sir John Wolstenholme knighte collector of his Majestyes Imposts and John Jacobs Esquire Customer, and other officers of his Majestyes Custom house, that the schedule then given in and exhibited by him into the Searchers Office as the true content of all the goods laden abord the sayd shipp the Endeavor in the sayd voyage (as farr as he knewe) and that this deponent also sayes that the sayd schedule exhibited by the sayd Bredcake is subscribed with the proper hand writings of the sayd Sir John Wolstenholme and Mr Jacobs, and that the schedule mentioned in the sayd allegation is a true copie and doth agree in every poynt with the sayd schedule exhibited by the sayd Bredcake before the sayd officers nowe remayninge in the Searchers Office of the Custome house. The premisses he sayeth he knoweth to be true for that he beinge Clarke in the sayd Searchers Office under Thomas Ivatt Esquire, his Majestyes Chief Searcher, did write the sayd schedule exhibited in this Court, and compared it with the sayd originall schedule remayninge in the sayd Searchers Office”


John Berry, a London merchant living in Lombard street in Saint Nicholas Acons, states that his practice was not to use his own name for entries of outbound goods at the London Custom house. Instead he used the name of Thomas Coram, who usually handled Berry’s affairs and biusiness by the way of merchandizing for him as factor in London. He claims the reason for this arrangement was that “he would not have any man to take notice of what goods he traded in, or where he sent them, as is a usuall thinge for merchants heere in London to doe”.

"In the moneth of ffebruarye Anno Domini 1635 this deponent did cause to be laden abord the shipp called the Abraham of London (wherof James Bartlett was master) one packe marked and numbred as in the margent conteyninge sixtye one peeces of sayes alias perpetuanoes to be transported in the same shipp from this port of London to Rotterdam consigned unto Jacob Garrard of Rotterdam to be by him sent unto this deponent's factor Henry Garrard dwellinge at Amsterdam for the proper accompte of him this deponent, and that this deponent's servant John Burye did by this deponent's order and direction enter them in his Majestyes Custome house London in the name of Thomas Coram who doeth usually doe his affayres and businesses in the way of merchandize for him this deponent as his factor, and that he soe caused them to be entred in the name of the sayd Coram, and not in his owne name because he would not have any man to take notice of what goods he traded in, or where he sent them, as is a usuall thinge for merchants heere in London to doe. And he alsoe sayeth that the sayd Coram is a naturall Englishman borne in Tiverton in the Countye of Devon, and there dwelleth at this present which he knoweth to be true for that the sayd Coram is this deponent's father's sister's sonne. And further sayeth that in the moneth of ffebruarye 1633 aforesayd this deponent did write a letter unto the foresayd Jacob Garrard of the tenor of the schedule annexed unto the articles whereuppon witnesses are examined in this Court on his behalfe, which letter he sayeth doth agree word for word with a letter written amongst others in this deponent's coppye booke of letters, which letter soe written by this deponent he delivered into his servant or some other to be caryed unto the said Bartlett to be with the sayd packe of sayes aforesayd delivered into the sayd Jacob Garrard at Rotterdam"


John Berrys’s servant, twenty year old John Bury, notes the discrepancy between the entry in the cocquet under the name of Thomas Coram, and the entry in his master’s books as the goods he shipped being his own, and attempts to explain this away.

"Although the name of Thomas Corham be only named in the cockett of the Custome house for the sayd packe of sayes yet the sayd goods as appeareth by the sayd Berry his booke of accompts were for the proper accompte of him the sayd Berrye and the charges of the custome of them was as it likewise appareth by the sayd booke of accompts payd by or for the use of the sayd Berry. And the sayd Berrye hath usually shipt goods which have bene really his owne in the name of the sayd Corham and of other merchants, and that it is a usuall thinge amongst merchants to enter their goods in other mens names"


A London baker went with Captain Robert Clerk to the Custom house at West Chester to search for the entry of two ships in the Custom house books. He recounts how he and Clerk found the entries of the ships the Hare and the Mary in the books, and then had an extract made and certificated under the hands of two principals of the Custom house.

"Hee this deponent being at Westchester in the somer tyme last past was upon or about the date of the latter of the said two schedules desired by the producent Captaine Robert Clarcke (who at that tyme was there allso and lay in the same inn whree this deponent then allso lodged) to goe downe to the Custome house three, to search for the entrance of two shipps the Hare and the Mary of Dublin, which hee accordingly did, But theire comeing thither they were tould by one of the Officers of the said Custome house that hee could not iust at that instant showe them the Bookes wherein the said ships and theire ladeing were soe entred, but if they would come another tyme hee would satisfie the said producent herein whereupon this deponent and the said Captaine Clarcke departed thence for the tyme, and returned againe, within a day or two afterwards. And then hee saith the said officer in this deponents presence shewed the said Captaine Clarcke the bookes of that Custome house wherein both the said ships and theire ladeing were entred, the one of them videlicet the Hare as comeing from Dublin to Westchester where she was to unlade and the other videlicet the Mary as a ship goeing from thence to Dublin. And thereupon hee saith the said Officer shewed the said Captaine Clercke a certificate of [?that] and the entrance of the said ships and goods abord them in that Custome house, and being perused by Captaine Clerke and in this deponents presence and heareing compared with the said Bookes the said Captaine Clerke desired that hee would procure the same to bee made authentique under the hands and seales of such as were in authority there, which at his request the said officer did accordingly and did in this deponents sight procure the same to bee subscribed and sealed by and with the hands and seals of two of the principall officers there. And saith the latter schedule of the two mentioned in the said allegation is the same certificate which the said Captaine Clerk had from the Customers at Westchester for the entrance of the said ships and goods at that place"



Custom house waiter’s book


Custom house waiters come in two varieties. Those that wait on board ships, typically boarding an incoming ship at Gravesend and staying on board until the ship’s lading is fully discharged, and those that wait on ships on the shore, checking goods as they are landed in lighters and brought to Custom house key for inspection, weighing and taxation. Both ship and shore waiters kept books in which they made entries of the goods they were supervising.

Thomas Markland was a custom house waiter for the excise and grocer, who was assigned to wait on board a ship named the Six Brothers. The ship had arrived in the River Thames from Oporto in Portugal carrying sugar. Markland appears to have made a ship specific account for sugars delivered out of the ship, and then separately entered the sugars in his own book with their respective weights. The sugars were landed at Buttolphs wharf, where Markland stood by the weighing beam and watched the chests of sugar weighed, before entering the weights in his book.

"Hee this deponent was the Custome house waiter for the excise on the shipp the Six Brothers arlate upon her arivall from Port a Port in Portugall to this port, and tooke an account in writing of the sugars brought hence, and delivered thereout to and for account of the arlate William ffisher, contained in two and twenty chests and two fetches, and of the weight thereof and made entrie thereof in his booke, which hee hath now with him"


"And saith hee findeth by his said booke and well knoweth that the same upon delivery here at Buttolphs wharfe weighed 203 pounds weight and a quarter and one grosse which quarter and one make twenty nine pounds which hee knoweth because by vertue of his said office hee stood by and saw the weighing of the said two and twenty chests and two fetches of sugar, and entred the same as aforesaid in his booke."

The sugars in question were consigned to William ffisher in London, who gave order for their delivery, acknowledged their receipt and paid the customs due for them. The sugars were delivered in July 1657, and Markland, referring to his book, was able ten months later, in May 1658, to recall the details.

"And saith the arlate William ffisher was comming to and againe at that time and gave order for sending them hence, and hath since acknowledged the receipt of the said sugars and hath paid the customes thereof, and saith the said delivery was in July last as appeareth alsoe by his said book"


Markland’s training as a grocer is seen in his competent calculation of the equivalency of Portuguese and English weights, he casting up 707 rooves and 25 pounds of sugar in Portugal weights into the equivalent in English measures, which was 202 hundred weight and 25 pounds.

"That 707 rooves and 25 pounds of sugar Portugall weight at 32 pounds to a roove (which is the usuall computation make 202 hundred weight and 25 pounds as hee hath cast the same up"


At dispute was whether the weight of the sugar delivered out of the Six Brothers matched the weight of the sugar delivered into the ship at Oporto, after allowing for tare or shrinkage. Markland had not seen the original Portuguese invoice, and even if he had, did not speak or read Portuguese. Natural shrinkage of sugar through evaporation or leakage could account for variance between the Oporto weights and the London weights, and Markland provides the Court with some customary allowances for tare of Portugal sugars at London. He goes on to demonstrates that his book entries exactly match the book entries of Mr Webb, a haberdasher, who had been assigned by Mr ffisher to take up the sugars out of the ship. Markland did this by a line item by line item comparison between his and Webb’s books, comparing mark, number and weight of each chest of sugar in his book with the same information in Mr Webb’s book.

Gunner’s inventory


Specialists on C17th merchant ships maintained their own stores and kept records in the form of written inventories, This was true of carpenbters, coopers, gunners, and probaby cooks.

The cook’s mate of the Love states the ship’s gunner drew up an inventory of the ship’s gun room stores before the ship was handed over for use as a ship of the English Parliament.

"To his remembrance the gunner of the said shipp gave an inventary of her store to Captaine Miller commannder of her about a day or two before shee was delivered up to the Earle of Warwicke as aforesaid the said gunner then leaving her"[25]



Letters of advice


The term “letters of advice” appears frequently in depositions by London and other merchants in the English High Court of Admiralty. It is used to encompass XXXX.


Letters of correspondence


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Lighter’s book of accounts


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Master’s book of accounts

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Marks on goods


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Miscellaneous papers and writings


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Notes [wages related]


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Protest


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Purser’s book


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Private instructions from freighters or owners


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Steward’s book


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Waiter’s book


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Warehouse records


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Wharfinger’s book of accounts

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  1. HCA 13/76 f.126r
  2. HCA 13/55 f.414r
  3. HCA 13/64 unfol. 20121220_141318
  4. HCA 13/72 f.292r
  5. HCA 13/64 unfol. 20181220_141607
  6. HCA 13/64 unfol. 20181220_141607
  7. HCA 13/64 unfol. 20191220_125858
  8. HCA 13/64 unfol. 20191220_125843
  9. HCA 13/50 f.100r
  10. HCA 13/76 f.215r
  11. HCA 13/63 f.473r
  12. HCA 13/72 f.2r
  13. HCA 13/72 f.2r
  14. HCA 13/72 f.2v
  15. HCA 13/70 f.649r
  16. HCA 13/76 ff.255r-255v
  17. HCA 13/76 f.7v
  18. HCA 13/55 f.242v
  19. HCA 13/60 f.503v
  20. HCA 13/63 f.438v
  21. HCA 13/72 f.293r
  22. HCA 13/76 f.2v
  23. HCA 13/40 f.120r
  24. HCA 13/40 f.121r
  25. HCA 13/62 unfol. DSC_0655